jcutonilli
Ultimate Member
- Mar 28, 2013
- 2,474
The initial brief of the MA AWB case has been filed. The arguments look similar to the arguments presented in the SCOTUS Kolbe v Hogan petition. I suspect a similar result given the same argument.
Cato, joined by several organizations interested in the protection of our civil liberties and a group of professors who teach the Second Amendment, has filed a brief supporting the plaintiffs. We point out that the Massachusetts law classifies the common semi-automatic firearms used by police officers as “dangerous and unusual” weapons of war, alienating officers from their communities and undermining policing by consent.
The statute’s exemption for all law enforcement (not just for SWAT teams) concedes that the banned arms promote the Second Amendment’s “core lawful purpose of self-defense.” Heller, 554 U.S. at 630. The arms of typical law enforcement officers are selected solely for defensive purposes. They are especially suitable for defense of self and others in civil society. Indeed, the Massachusetts ban does not apply to retired law enforcement officers, whose possession is for lawful defense.
Widespread law enforcement use is further evidence that particular arms are common and typically used for lawful purposes, rather than “dangerous and unusual.” See State v. DeCiccio, 105 A.3d 165, 200–01 (Conn. 2014) (police use shows that batons are Second Amendment arms); People v. Yanna, 824 N.W.2d 241, 245 (Mich. App. 2012) (Because “[h]undreds of thousands of Tasers and stun guns have been sold to private citizens, with many more in use by law enforcement officers,” prohibition is unconstitutional.).
Notably, the Massachusetts ban exempts retired law enforcement officers. Mass. Gen. Laws ch. 140, §131M (“this section shall not apply to . . . the possession by an individual who is retired from service with a law enforcement agency and is not otherwise prohibited from receiving such a weapon or feeding device from such agency upon retirement.”). The exemption further confirms that the arms are especially well-suited for lawful defense of self and family.
Law enforcement officers are presumably well-trained, and this case does not challenge a training requirement that Massachusetts might require for certain arms.
Where tensions between police and policed are a sensitive issue, Massachusetts sets up a framework where the people can be fired upon by police with what the state fancies as an instrument of war, a suggestion that only serves to drive a wedge between police and citizenry.
At this point, its just a cert petition to get a hearing, not necessarily a full brief on the merits. They only get so many words.
They will not win in the 1st circuit, the majority will write "because guns" 3758 different ways. Probably most people have their minds made up already. What they are trying to accomplish is a hearing and a good dissent that the Supreme Court might then take.
The best way to get SCOTUS to take your case is to get the circuit court to overturn the law. Circuit splits are another way. If they lose, neither will have occurred.
They are likely to lose becausethey have not really addressed the fundamental issues. SCOTUS is unlikely to take the case because of this.its the 1st circuit and the judges hate guns.
Everybody is assuming that the problem was Kennedy. Maybe the problem is with Roberts and a new justice will not change things with 2A.
Fixed for you. anti-gun judges simply defer to whatever bizarre reasoning the AG cooks up. facts, history, or issues are irrelevant. If they are smart the 1st circuit will take the case and cut and paste Kolbe, to avoid a split and a reason for SCOTUS to take the case.
I think that the problem is Roberts too, but Ginsburg wont live forever. Eventually, we will get a split.
You sound like one of those judges, deferring to whatever bizarre reasoning you want.
I have listed my reasoning above. I am willing to listen if there are any errors.
In order to get a split you are going to need to argue the case differently. The current reasoning is pretty consistent among the courts.
You sound like one of those judges, deferring to whatever bizarre reasoning you want.
I have listed my reasoning above. I am willing to listen if there are any errors.
In order to get a split you are going to need to argue the case differently. The current reasoning is pretty consistent among the courts.
You sound like one of those judges, deferring to whatever bizarre reasoning you want.
I have listed my reasoning above. I am willing to listen if there are any errors.
In order to get a split you are going to need to argue the case differently. The current reasoning is pretty consistent among the courts.
It doesn't matter how the case is argued. The judges aren't acting in good faith.
What makes you think they are not acting in good faith? They are doing it to provide public safety. After all, the government has an interest in providing public safety.
One side argues for self defense but does not argue how this is part of public safety and the other argues for public safety. Why is it not good to error on the side of public safety?
Only one side is able to accept the concept that self-defense has any part in public safety. The other side exists in a state of fear brought on by the constant harping on the concept of the evil being inherent in the tool, rather than the operator.
Show me in the briefs/oral argument where there is any argument that self defense has anything to do with public safety.
I understand that it is the operator and not the tool, but both sides throw around statistics arguing its either the operator or the tool. Judges have a hard time determining which side is correct and wind up deferring to the legislature.
The judges definitely make it easy for the government to prove its case. There is no change to how the case gets argued so additional cases reach the same conclusion.
You really don't get it, do you?
The point of these appeals is not to advance some arguments about public safety or policy. The point of these appeals is to establish the burden of proof on the government on how much the right can be restricted. Self defense only comes up insofar as we are asking how much the government can restrict one persons' right to self defense because another person is an idiot.
The majority in Heller explicitly rejected interest balancing for the sake of public safety. To paraphrase Heller, a ban on a class of firearms does not meet any form of heightened scrutiny appropriate for an enumerated right. The main point of the Cato brief as I see it is that the class of firearms in question is used for self defense and within the scope of the 2nd Amendment.
Judges are not acting in good faith because they are adopting the interest balancing approach of the minority opinion. If they faithfully applied precedent, whether or not they agreed, the opinion would be one sentence: A ban on a class of firearms used for self defense does not meet any form of heightened scrutiny appropriate for an enumerated right. ETA ok maybe two sentences: the first would be that the class of firearms considered here have police and militia use for self defense, so they are covered within the 2nd Amendment.